Tsvangirai will win 2018 elections, says Mliswa



 Former Zanu PF bigwig, Temba Mliswa, has predicted that opposition leader Morgan Tsvangirai will “once again win the 2018 elections” — even if he does not reach an electoral pact with former Vice President Joice Mujuru. 

He is set to hold rallies at Kotwa Growth Point in Mudzi (Mutoko), Zaire Business Centre in Wedza, and Sadza Growth Point in Chikomba District, before proceeding to Chambara Business Centre in Chivhu.

On his part, former Zanu PF chairperson for Mashonaland West, Mliswa, told the Daily News that Tsvangirai was currently having it his way in areas that were hitherto seen as Mugabe’s fortresses because war veterans who used to back the nonagenarian were angry that they had been badly let down by him.
“The only people who could stop Tsvangirai are war veterans and all indications are that Tsvangirai will win the elections again in 2018 without the need for a coalition with Mujuru’s People First,” Mliswa said.

He added that without war veterans campaigning for Mugabe, Zanu PF had no capacity to do so “and that will translate to a peaceful election, as the margin of terror that the ruling party has been depending on will disappear”.

The former Hurungwe West legislator also said the former freedom fighters’ political allegiance was now shared among Mujuru, Mnangagwa and the G40 camp — a situation which he said made it difficult for them to be a factor in the 2018 elections.

Mliswa said the other factor that would most likely work in Tsvangirai’s favour was the fact that Mujuru and her allies had “a tainted past and will have difficulty in convincing the electorate that they have repented”.
“If they had resigned like what Nkosana Moyo and Nathan Shamuyarira did, they would have no problems getting people behind them. Worse still for them, people out there still sympathise with Tsvangirai that he was not given the chance to take power when he won elections in 2008,” he said.

Since Zanu PF controversially retained power in 2013, the country has been on a downward spiral, with the economy bleeding hundreds of thousands of badly-needed jobs and social service delivery hitting an all-time low.

Grace Mugabe angers army chiefs




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Military sources say the situation has been exacerbated by Mugabe’s secret manoeuvres to remove ZDF commander General Constantine Chiwenga from his position for interfering in Zanu PF’s succession politics and backing Mnangagwa, who is locked in a war of attrition with Grace.

The First Lady attacked army bosses and war veterans at a rally in Chiweshe, Mashonaland Central province, last Friday, accusing them of plotting with her Zanu PF rivals to bomb her family’s private property and kill her son as part of the succession intrigues.

Military sources said during security briefings this week army chiefs voiced concern and expressed anger at Grace’s remarks at the Chiweshe rally and her earlier attacks on war veterans at a gathering at Chimhanda Secondary School in Rushinga, Mashonaland Central, on October 14 last year.

Some senior army commanders and war veterans leaders are said to have joined forces to back Mnangagwa and bombard Grace’s camp in a bid to seize power after Mugabe.
Searing rhetoric and a blitz this week by War Veterans minister Chris Mutsvangwa and ex-combatants leaders led by Victor Matematanda and Francis Zimuto against Grace and her allies showed they were on an adventurous offensive. However, police yesterday shelled war veterans with water at high pressure from cannons and teargas to thwart protests against Grace and her camp.

“Senior army commanders, who support Mnangagwa, are angry with Grace over her offensive remarks last week,” a top military boss said. “This has fuelled tensions, fury and resentment within military circles where the situation was already tense anyway following reports that the commander-in-chief (Mugabe) wants to remove Chiwenga and his attacks on some of us in Victoria Falls (during the December Zanu PF annual conference) last year.”

In an unexpected and sensational charge, Mugabe on December 11 last year warned army, police and intelligence bosses against meddling in Zanu PF’s seemingly unrelenting factional and succession wars. During the evening of that day, army commanders met with Mugabe in the country’s the prime resort town to discuss the tense situation. Since then tensions have been rising within the military.

Military sources said Mugabe also met with army chiefs on February 4 in Harare to discuss the problem.
A senior government official said Mugabe also on Monday this week met with Grace, Mnangagwa and co-Vice-President Phelekezela Mphoko, who last Friday poured fuel to the already raging succession fires by saying after Zezurus it does not mean Karangas are ordained to rule, at State House in the capital to tackle the brewing crisis and calm down the army, war veterans and Zanu PF succession rivals.
A senior Ministry of Defence official said: “Anxieties, pressures and fears are serious in the military mainly because of factional and confrontational politics.”

This is fuelling the already intense succession conflict.Defence minister Sydney Sekeramayi yesterday refused to comment, only saying: “I have no comment over that matter.”
Zimbabwe National Army (ZNA) spokesman Alphios Makotore said: “The army does not comment on issues of this particular nature. You are therefore advised to direct your questions to Zimbabwe Defence Forces headquarters (public relations department).”

ZDF spokesman Overson Mugwisi was said to be on study leave, while his replacement Colonel Teddy Ndlovu was repeatedly said to be in meetings.Grace’s vitriol against service chiefs comes as it has emerged most senior military figures are solidly behind Mnangagwa’s presidential bid.

Military sources say senior officials backing Mnangagwa include Chiwenga, ZNA commander Lieutenant-General Phillip Valerio Sibanda and two of his deputies, Major-Generals Trust Mugoba and Sibusiso B Moyo.Mugoba and Moyo’s colleague Major-General Douglas Nyikayaramba reportedly does not support Mnangagwa.

Mugoba oversees military intelligence, training, signals, public relations and army engineers, while Moyo controls army procurement, transport, ordinance as well as electrical and mechanical engineering.
Other senior army officials said to be sympathetic to Mnangagwa are Major- General Engelbert Rugeje, head of military intelligence Brigadier-General Thomas Moyo and Zimbabwe Presidential Guard commander Brigadier-General Ansleem Sanyatwe.

War veterans, an army reserve force, have been holding meetings at 2 Presidential Guard where Sanyatwe is the boss.Chief-of-Staff Joint Operation and Plans in the ZDF, Air Vice-Marshal Elson Moyo is also said to be a Mnangagwa sympathiser.

Senior military officials not linked to Mnangagwa include Air Force of Zimbabwe commander Air Marshal Perence Shiri and Nyikayaramba who used to support expelled former vice-president Joice Mujuru.
Some senior Join Operations Command chiefs such Police Commissioner-General Augustine Chihuri, Prisons Commissioner retired Major-General Paradzai Zimondi and intelligence boss retired Major-General Happyton Bonyongwe also do not support Mnangagwa.

Mnangagwa and his Zanu PF faction are fighting with Grace’s camp to produce a successor to Mugabe. The vice-president wants to take over from Mugabe, while Grace is said to be a stalking horse for Sydney Sekeramayi who is now linked to the G40 group.

However, indications this week were that Sekeramayi is developing cold feet as he apparently refused to meet with senior officials backing the First Lady to discuss tensions in the military. It is understood G40 officials this week tried but failed to meet him to discuss the situation within security forces as signs grow that the army and war veterans are agitated over Grace’s offensive and Mugabe’s succession.

Last week when Zanu PF Women’s League secretary for finance Sarah Mahoka attacked Mnangagwa before a crucial politburo meeting to discuss the intensifying Zanu PF bickering, Sekeramayi, who used to support Mujuru and her faction, looked visibly uncomfortable and unimpressed as he briefly exchanged remarks with party spokesman Simon Khaya Moyo.

Sources said while army commanders remain loyal to Mugabe despite their anger with Grace, they were now trying to leverage their influence and to test civilian control to obtain concessions and job security without upsetting the equilibrium of “military tutelage” under which the Zanu PF regime currently rules.
“What we are seeing now is a delicate situation and balance involving political brinkmanship between Mugabe and army chiefs,” a former military commander said. ‘

“We are seeing the art or practice of pursuing a dangerous process or risky gamble to the limits of safety before stopping; stretched it’s zero-sum politics. In any game of brinkmanship, it is possible that there would a precarious and uncertain stand-off or indeed one side will collapse in the process. It depends on what happens.

“It’s a complicated strategic calculus: Mugabe is likely to calm down the situation and restore his control over the military given his power and influence, but if he underestimates the military threat to his rule and rocks the boat too much he might find himself in serious trouble.”

The military is the pillar of support and strength for Mugabe’s rule, especially after 2000 when the opposition MDC emerged and began to threaten his regime’s survival. Since 2000, and even before that, the army propped up Mugabe and assisted him to win elections by hook or crook and keep the MDC at bay.
Mugabe’s use of the military to suppress dissent and the opposition has created a moral hazard; for the very resources that enable his regime’s repressive apparatus to suppress its opponents also empower them to act against the regime itself.

The current stand-off was sparked by Grace’s daring attack on Mnangagwa and the military.
“If there are any service chiefs at this rally, please don’t bomb our dairy,” Grace said. “How evil-hearted can one be? And you want me to respect you? You really want me to smile at you and say ‘Oh, well done’? Oh no … Come to the next rally, we’ll drop names. This thing of teaming up with soldiers to go and bomb (her Mazowe property allegedly to kill her son), it won’t work.

“If your plan is to bomb our dairy to induce fear, hoping we’ll surrender power, then you must be mad, very mad. Which post are you dreaming of occupying? Whose seat?
“Didn’t you hear there’s no vacancy at State House? Imagine it has got to a stage where they want to kill my son, Bellarmine. Is it fair to expect me to smile at you?”


Jestina Mukoko on Itai Dzamara's abduction

Jestina Mukoko, a prominent television presenter turned human rights activist who went missing for 21 days after being abducted by state security agents has spoken out over the similar abduction of fellow journalist turned activist Itai Dzamara.

While Dzamara was abducted from a barbershop in Glen View, Harare, Mukoko was abducted around 5am from her Norton home (December 2008) by six men and a woman who did not identify themselves. The State Security Minister at the time, Didymus Mutasa, eventually admitted CIO agents were responsible.
In her testimony Mukoko said they forced her into a Mazda Familia vehicle and ordered her to lie low on the seat of the car. “Immediately a woolen jersey was put across my face, covering my eyes, nose and mouth (and) as a result I had problems breathing and almost suffocated,” Mukoko said.

The men who abducted Dzamara accosted him in broad daylight, identified themselves as police, accused him of stealing a cow before they grabbed him and bundled him into a waiting car. Friends and family are now hoping Dzamara will soon be delivered to court like what happened to Mukoko.

Without warning Mukoko, after being kept incommunicado for 21 days, was eventually brought to court on Christmas Eve, alongside other detainees who had been abducted and held for 76 days. The detainees included a 72-year-old man and a two-year-old boy, all facing trumped up banditry charges.

“It was the worst 21 days of my life and I would not wish the experience on anyone. I was not sure if I was going to be released alive because several times I had been threatened with death and told I could be buried around the house where they kept me,”

“My worst fears were when I would be told that they were taking me for a ride. Once I was driven to an unknown place and it took hours to get to the place. There was shuffling in the vehicle but I remained in the car and after a while we were driving again and after a while we got back to the detention centre.
“Then several times I was driven to another place where interrogation would take place. All the time they took me on the drives I would be blind folded and I always feared the worst,”

Mukoko said most people did not understand what families go through in cases such as the abduction of Itai Dzamara. “With each day that increases on Itai’s disappearance I am getting so anxious and very afraid,” she said.Mukoko knows first hand how brutal the regime can be. In her 2008 ordeal she was taken to a torture base and put in solitary confinement for 19 days while they tried to force her to admit recruiting youths for military training in Botswana to dislodge President Robert Mugabe from power.

“Firstly I was assaulted underneath my feet with a rubber-like object which was at least one metre long and flexible, while seated on the floor. Later I was told to raise my feet onto a table and the other people in the room started to assault me underneath my feet. This assault lasted for at least five to six minutes. They took a break and then continued again with the beatings,” she said in her testimony.

The case against Mukoko eventually collapsed and the charges were dropped. In the end she was abducted, tortured and kept in detention for nothing. Many in Zimbabwe are hoping at the very least that Itai Dzamara will be found and brought to court, where he will have the chance to defend himself properly.

CIO Agents Who Abducted Itai Dzamara ‘Exposed’


A Senior Politburo (ZANU PF’s highest decision making body) former member has become the first ZANU PF icon to open his fire on named Central Intelligence Organisation agents for the abduction of democracy activist and journalist Itai Dzamara.

No one had to date taken any bravery to name and shame specific people for Dzamara’s disappearance with the Police for over four months refusing to search for him. At one point Spokesperson Charity Charamba told the press that they would only investigate as they doubted that Dzamara was abducted by the CIO.

But as he physically apprehended a female CIO agent trailing him, Mr Kudakwashe Bhasikiti who is well connected to the CIO, fingered three intelligence officers detailing that they are the ones who took Dzamara on the 9th March 2015.While it was not clear how Bhasikiti had performed his verification methods, he announced, “I now have no doubt in my mind that these people are the same people who abducted Dzamara,” he said without revealing their names and is now set to publish their full names.

 He explained his ordeal to the local Daily News, “I was being followed by three vehicles, which included a Toyota Fortuner, to and from my house. Whenever I got home they would leave a young woman who appeared harmless sitting near my exit point or just close by.

Vice -President Emmerson Mnangagwa demands security purges



Amid renewed intense factional fights in Zanu PF, Vice-President Emmerson Mnangagwa is reportedly moving to consolidate his power base by piling pressure for security sector changes in addition to sustained push for a cabinet reshuffle.

Sources said security service chiefs, particularly Central Intelligence Organisation (CIO) Director General Happyton Bonyongwe, Police Commissioner-General Augustine Chihuri, Air Marshal Perence Shiri and Prisons Commissioner-General Retired Major-General Paradzai Zimondi, are facing purging as Vice-President Emmerson Mnangagwa and his allies push for their removal.The most vulnerable of them all appears to be Chihuri and Bonyongwe.

In the clearest sign last November security chiefs could be removed over the succession battle, First Lady Grace Mugabe singled out Bonyongwe as someone linked to ousted vice-president Joice Mujuru in an address to small and medium enterprises and cross-border traders at her Mazowe farm.Grace said Mugabe one day had a meeting with Bonyongwe in the morning where he told him that she was not feeling well as she had an ear infection. Grace said Bonyongwe then called in the afternoon to ask her how she was feeling, while in the company of Mujuru without telling her, suggesting he betrayed his boss and herself because of succession wars.

Sources said Chihuri was also one of the main targets because of his close relations with Mujuru. They said although Zimondi and Shiri are also linked to Mujuru they may survive purges not because they are wanted but as a result of concerns of the instability mass their removals might unleash.Those suggested as Bonyongwe’s possible replacements include presidential guard boss, Brigadier-General Nhamo Sanyatwa, and current CIO deputy Aaron Nhepera, who is linked to Mnangagwa.

Possible alternatives to Chihuri are understood to be deputy commissioners-general Levy Sibanda and Innocent Matibiri.“Chihuri and other police officers’ jobs have been on the line since Mujuru’s demise,” said a senior government official.“There is a strong push for him (Chihuri) to be relieved of his duties not only because he is sympathetic to Mujuru, but also because the system believes he was updating the former Vice-President on progress made during investigations into her alleged corruption.“Bonyongwe is also a Mujuru person and owes his position to his good relations with the general (the late Solomon Mujuru who was husband to the former vice -president).”

WikiLeaks diplomatic cables a few years ago linked Bonyongwe to Mujuru.The sources said changes in the security sector would not be as brutal as the purges in Zanu PF ahead of the congress as unwanted service chiefs were likely to be pushed out through the non-renewal of their contracts.They said although police deputy commissioner-general Godwin Matanga was the most senior at his level he was unlikely to get the post if Chihuri is pushed out as Mnangagwa reportedly prefers Sibanda. Matanga is also said to be loyal to Mujuru.“By virture of being related to the president, Matibiri is also in the reckoning although it seems Sibanda to be a firmer favourite.”

Meanwhile, the Mnangagwa camp also wants Information minister Jonathan Moyo moved from the ministry because of perceived hostility to the vice-president, while Higher Education minister Oppah Muchinguri and Energy minister Samuel Undenge could be moved from their portfolios ostensibly for being incompetent to lead other ministries.Education minister Lazarus Dokora and Sports minister Andrew Langa, believed to be aligned to Mujuru, are also in the firing line.

Mujuru lost her position during the divisive Zanu PF congress in December last year before being fired from government a few days later. She was removed alongside several ministers and party heavyweights, among them Presidential Affairs minister Didymus Mutasa, Energy minister Dzikamai Mavhaire, Labour minister Nicholas Goche and Information Technology minister Webster Shamu, while several provincial officials lost their positions in the biggest purge in the history of Zanu PF. She was also later expelled from Zanu PF.

Long time Mnangagwa ally Patrick Chinamasa, who was last month attacked in public by Mugabe for announcing a freeze in civil servants bonuses, could also be moved from the Finance portfolio.The Mnangagwa camp is, however, said to be pushing for the re-appointment of former Indigenisation minister Francis Nhema, who lost his position in the December cabinet reshuffle because of his links to the Mujuru faction.

Mnangagwa has been courting Nhema, who like him also hails from the Midlands province, for some time and even bestowed him with honorary life membership of the Midlands Agricultural Show late last year.Mnangagwa, who by virtue of being vice-president meets Mugabe on a regular basis, has been pushing for a reshuffle for a long time but his boss balked on the idea after being convinced he would appear a disorganised leader if he frequently changed his cabinet.

Mugabe reshuffled his cabinet in December and was expected to make further changes soon after coming from his annual holiday in the Far East in January.Mnangagwa’s push comes at a time the rift between him and party officials with whom he joined hands to shipwreck Mujuru’s presidential ambitions continues to widen following his rival’s ouster.Senior Zanu PF officials said to be working against Mnangagwa, include political commissar Saviour Kasukuwere, Moyo and Mugabe’s nephew Patrick Zhuwao, among others. They reportedly believe Mnangagwa has not grown out of being a factional leader and is indecisive on leadership.

Moyo’s interview with the BBC’s HardTalk broadcast this week confirmed factionalism is worsening as the battle to succeed Mugabe, 91, intensifies.During the interview Moyo became emotional when presenter Stephen Sackur referred to Mnangagwa as Mugabe’s heir-apparent, a view which is shared by most Zimbabweans though politically rather than constitutionally grounded.Moyo immediately interrupted and retorted that Mnangagwa was not the anointed one, but merely one of the two vice-presidents appointed by Mugabe to assist him implement his agenda.Moyo’s remarks angered Mnangagwa’s allies who viewed his statements as further evidence that he is opposed to his ascendancy.

Five-year-old Andrea Gada's funeral postponed after her grandparents were refused a visa




Eastbourne MP Stephen Lloyd  was dissapointed at the ‘callousness’ of the Home Office in refusing the visas for the grief-stricken family.

Andrea’s funeral was due to take place on 9 January after the Eastbourne public raised more than £5,000 to support the family, and help fly family members over from Zimbabwe to pay their final respects.
However, when Andrea’s parents, Mr and Mrs Gada, applied for a visa for their relatives to attend, the request was denied.

Mr Lloyd said, “This awful accident has shocked us all. Eastbourne has done what it does best in difficult situations like this and rallied around in support as a community. I was dismayed therefore to discover that the Immigration Services have refused point blank to issue visas for the family to come over from Zimbabwe to attend little Andrea’s funeral. This is despite Mr and Mrs Gada giving me a categorical assurance the grandparents and aunt would be returning home soon after paying their respects.

“I am extremely angry at the callousness shown by the Home Office. To me this is an immigration decision which lacks compassion and basic decency; attributes which I know are front and centre with the vast majority of British people. I have written a further urgent letter to the Immigration Minister, James Brokenshire MP, asking that he intervene and reconsider his officials’ decision. A young girl has died tragically.

“My constituents have rallied round superbly so the devastated mother and father can bring her parents from Zimbabwe to help support them at this immensely difficult time. For the sake of everything that is good about our country – its tolerance, compassion, strong support of family, and profound sense of shared community, exemplified by the way in which Eastbourne has pulled together to help the Gadas, I implore the Minister to do the right thing; grant this grief-stricken family the temporary travel visas, and allow their kith and kin to pay their last respects to little Andrea.”

Andrea passed away three weeks ago, on Wednesday, December 17, after being hit by a car on Friday Street the day before. She was flown to St George’s Hospital in Tooting, South London, but died of her injuries.

Andrea’s funeral service was set to take place on 9 January at Seventh-day Adventist Church, Hailsham Road, Polegate at 11.30am.